As I noted in my last post, Sen.
Fred Thomas would have you believe that over the last couple of decades, coal
fired power plants have achieved dramatic reductions in carbon pollution. And he
also claims, without offering a shred of evidence or explanation, that requiring
new power plants to meet EPA emissions standards will bring all development of
new carbon pollution control technology to a screeching halt (you can read
Thomas’s Missoulian column here). But before you decide you can rely on the
power industry to usher in a brave new energy future all by itself, you’d
better take a closer look at what’s really going on here.
You can start with the fact that
carbon emissions from burning coal grew by 81% between 1973 to 2005, and only
after that did they begin to fall. And here’s the thing: over those same years,
according to the US Energy Information Agency, the amount of carbon emitted per
ton of coal burned did not change at all.*
That means, of course, that the decline in emissions after 2005 could only have
come from one source: burning less coal. That happened because coal was getting displaced
as a fuel by natural gas and renewables, and at the same time, the thermal
efficiency of coal fired power plants improved some, meaning that it was
possible to generate the same amount of juice with less fuel.
Now if you’re a coal enthusiast
like Thomas, the fact that emissions have gone down because less coal has been
burned is not a good thing. No, what you want is to reduce emissions but dig up
and burn more coal.** That means
reducing emissions per ton of coal burned, which sounds, and is, pretty hard to
do, since it requires the deployment carbon sequestration technology. That
simply hasn’t happened, and isn’t likely to happen unless emission standards
are so tough that the only way coal fired plants can stay in the game is by
successful sequestration, aided perhaps by a substantial public investment in
developing the requisite technology.
Thomas has this point backwards:
he implies that first the technology comes along, apparently out of the blue,
and then emission standards can be set to match what’s possible. But that won’t
work. Absent standards or subsidies or regulations, there is no incentive for
sequestration. No company is going to attempt it, particularly with no
guarantee of success, out of the goodness of its corporate heart. On the
contrary, it has to be told, or be paid, to toe the line. So Thomas is shooting
himself in the foot here: he is opposing the one regulation that might make it
possible to arrest climate change and stop coal’s slide into oblivion.
But Thomas may be on to something here: maybe the EPA regulations aren’t the best way to cut carbon
emissions.
The problem here is that there
are all sorts of strategies to reduce carbon pollution: residential energy
conservation and efficiency, better vehicle mileage, displacement of fossil
fuels with renewables or coal with natural gas, improved public transportation,
carbon sequestration and many, many more.*** Inevitably, any comprehensive policy to arrest
climate change (assuming it’s not too late) is going to rely on a mix of these
strategies, and the premium in selecting that mix should be on minimizing the
cost of reducing emissions. We can’t fool ourselves here: as much as we might
wish it were otherwise, arresting climate change is going to be costly and
adopting high cost strategies to get us there will be a luxury we can’t afford.
That’s where sequestration comes
in. No matter how good we get at it, it is unlikely that sequestration will be
cost competitive enough to become the only or even the principal method we rely
on to reduce emissions. And since almost
everything else we can do means using less coal, we need to face the fact that an
efficient and cost effective national policy to arrest climate change inevitably
means that less coal is going to get mined and burned. If the EPA regulations have
the effect of forcing the pace of sequestration and delaying that inevitability, they are
arguably standing in the way of progress.
Because Montana is an energy
producing state, and because energy producing interests tend to dominate the
conversation, it is perhaps predictable that Montanans tend to look at climate policy
through the wrong end of the telescope. We don’t ask what’s the most efficient
and effective way for the world to get to where it desperately needs to be.
Instead we usually ask what’s in it for us here in Montana: how many jobs, how
much tax revenue, how many dollars to spend. The two aren’t the same thing, and
while it may be understandable that Montanans think that coal jobs are
sacrosanct, it is also understandable that the rest of the world, faced with
the climate change crisis, might find that attitude hopelessly self-indulgent.
* The data point I am referring to here is carbon emissions
per BTU of energy consumed by burning coal. The US EIA doesn’t calculate this
number for you, but you can do it yourself using the data in Tables 1.3 and
12.1 in the March 2014 Monthly
Energy Review.
** Actually, it’s not clear that Thomas cares about reducing
carbon emissions.
***Back in 2007 Governor Schweitzer created a Climate Change Advisory Committee which was charged with identifying policy options for reducing Montana’s green house gas emissions. The committee produced a report (available here) which unfortunately got lost in the shuffle when the Great Recession claimed all of the attention of the public and state government.
***Back in 2007 Governor Schweitzer created a Climate Change Advisory Committee which was charged with identifying policy options for reducing Montana’s green house gas emissions. The committee produced a report (available here) which unfortunately got lost in the shuffle when the Great Recession claimed all of the attention of the public and state government.