Ever since Art Laffer stalked the
halls of the Reagan White House, it’s been an article of faith among Republican
politicians and policy wonks that if you want to raise tax revenue, you ought
to cut tax rates. And on the flip side, if you want to slash revenue, the
surest way to get there is to raise tax rates - which Laffer, to be clear,
would never, ever, recommend.
That might sound a little paradoxical,
but unless you’ve been living in splendid isolation for the last 35 years, you’ve
probably heard how this is all supposed to work. When a tax rate is cut, the folks
providing the taxed item – labor, natural resources, financial investment, luxury
goods, or what have you - will be so
unburdened that they will want to provide more of it - so much more, in fact,
that the tax base will grow faster than the rate is cut and, voilà, revenue will increase. On the other hand, if government is
foolish enough to raise rates, the opposite will happen: people providing whatever
it is that’s being taxed will pick up their marbles and go home and all that
nice revenue will disappear.
Now there’s nothing wrong with
the logic here – everybody can agree that when you tax something you usually tend
to discourage, to some degree, its production and use.* But when it comes to
figuring out the impact of tax rates on tax revenue, more than just logic
matters; you also have to look at the actual numbers.
Take, for example, the case of
Federal coal royalties.
This past summer, the Department
of the Interior asked for public comment on whether or not mining companies pay
the public reasonable royalties when they dig up and sell Federal coal.
Needless to say, the companies think they are paying plenty and resent the
question even being asked. As far as they’re concerned, it’s just one more
salvo in the “Obama administration’s war on coal.” On the other side are folks
(full disclosure, I’m one of them) who maintain that the companies have contrived
to price Federal coal at well less than its true market value, in order to
short the public on royalty payments. Indeed, according to an analysis
by Headwaters Economics, pricing coal at true market value could produce over
$100 million in new Federal revenue.**
But John Ostlund are Bob Story are having none of it.
Ostlund, who’s a Yellowstone county
commissioner, opined
in the Gazette in August that the best way to raise more royalty revenue would
be to mine more Federal coal, and the best way to make that happen, of course, would be
to reduce royalty payments and bonus bids***. And Story, who’s the executive
director of the Montana Taxpayers Association and a former president of the
Montana Senate, predicted
in the Missoulian that if the Federal government increased per ton royalty
payments, the “best-case scenario” would be that companies would priced out of
the market and stop mining Federal coal entirely, meaning royalty revenue would
be zilch.
Well, maybe, but look at the
numbers. According to the Headwaters study, Montana and Wyoming, the states
that produce the lion’s share of Federal coal, deliver that coal to their
customers at a little more than $30 a ton, and pay per-ton royalties of $1.79
(Montana) and $1.56 (Wyoming). Now imagine we cut those royalty payments in
half, hoping, with Commissioner Ostlund, that we would get enough additional
production for total royalty revenue to actually increase. For that to happen,
since we’d be collecting half as much on each ton, we’d have to more than double
the number of tons sold; stated otherwise, sales would have to increase by more
than 100%. Let’s assume that the whole royalty reduction would be passed on to
the buyers in the form of lower prices – none of it would be kept by the
companies - so prices would fall by $.85, or roughly 3% in Montana, and by
$.70, or again roughly 3%, in Wyoming.
So there you have it: for royalty
revenue to increase in this scenario, a 3% decrease in price would have to
induce customers to increase their purchases of Federal coal by over 100%. And
that just isn’t going to happen. In the short run, in particular, power producers
are locked in; a small price reduction is not going to drive them to switch in
droves from natural gas or solar or wind to coal, and it certainly isn’t going
to allow them to sell twice as much electricity to their customers. Of course
they might switch from non-Federal to Federal coal, but in that case, Commissioner
Ostlund should be careful what he wishes for. Yes, there would be more Federal
coal produced – and royalties paid – but it would be taken out of the hide of
the companies and workers who mine state or private coal leases. The net effect
on total coal production would be very, very small.
The same objection applies in
reverse, but more so, to Story’s “best-case scenario.” According to Story, any increase in royalty payments would
price Federal coal out of the market. Any
increase in the price of Federal coal, no matter how small, would reduce
purchases to zero. But there’s simply no reason to believe any such thing. Just
as buyers are not going to flock to Federal coal when the price goes down a
little, they are not going to abandon it when the price goes up. If they did,
it would be because they were buying state or private coal instead. And if that happened, unlike Story, the folks producing that coal would probably think that raising Federal
royalties was really a pretty darn good idea!
* A noteworthy exception to this
rule is labor. Taxing wages can induce people to work more, rather than less.
** One of the pricing reforms that Headwaters proposes would increase revenue by over $500 million, but it doesn’t look likely that that proposal will get very far.
** One of the pricing reforms that Headwaters proposes would increase revenue by over $500 million, but it doesn’t look likely that that proposal will get very far.
*** Bonus bids are what companies pay to get access to Federal coal in the first place; royalties are what they pay as and when the actually dig the coal up and sell it.
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